Fascicolo 7 | 2014
Oggi, con l’abitudine ai giochi di parole in inglese, anche noi parliamo della contrapposizione tra welfare e warfare: un tempo si sarebbe detto tra burro e cannoni. Ogni tanto ricorre il facile e demagogico slogan: quanti ospedali avremmo potuto costruire comprando meno F-35, oppure quante scuole rinunciando alla portaerei Cavour? In una fase di ri-nazionalizzazione delle politiche estere e di difesa, al di là della retorica uffi ciale, certo l’Italianon può rinunciare a una capacità militare, sia pure su scala ridotta, a tutto campo.
Il tema trattato è quanto mai di attualità, in un momento nel qualeda un lato la crisi economica generalizzata, dall’altro il relativo disimpegno americano dall’Europa, per la priorità strategica di altre aree geopolitiche, impongono agli Stati europei dell’Alleanza, e quindi alla UE, alla quale appartiene la maggior parte di essi, scelte fondamentali.
Massimo de Leonardis, Introduzione
Abstract – The conference continues a long-standing tradition of studies on international security, in particular on the Atlantic Alliance, by the Department of Political Sciences of the Catholic University of the Sacred Heart. The 2013 conference analyses the old problem of funding defence budgets, which has always been central in the history of NATO. In general, complaints by the military personnel about insufficient budgets in time of peace are a constant for all times and all countries. Today, this issue appears as the dilemma between Welfare and Warfare, so much debated by the Western public opinions. This topic is very important especially at a time when the 2008 economic crisis plus the US disengagement from the Old Continent push the European members of the Atlantic Alliance, and the European Union too, to make fundamental strategic choices.
Silvano Frigerio, Lo Strumento Militare nazionale nell’ottica delle iniziative NATO SMART DEFENCE e UE POOLING AND SHARING
Abstract – In periods of economic crisis, participation in cooperative development plans is an important opportunity for those countries, such as Italy, which want to play a major role in the world. Within the Atlantic and European frameworks, the NATO SMART DEFENCE and EU POOLING AND SHARING initiatives intend to integrate and optimize land, sea and air components of the Armed Forces. These initiatives also aim at improving the quality of the military in order to increase their effectiveness and their practical utility for foreign policies. The substance of these initiatives is not only to “do more with less”, but to “do better with less”. Italy has adopted a proactive approach, despite the several defence cuts recently applied. In particular, in the transatlantic context, our country fully supports the need for Europe to play a major role. International cooperation is perhaps the only way to maintain the current level of interoperability and of advanced capabilities required in our strategic environment.
Massimo de Leonardis, L’Alleanza Atlantica dal MUTUAL AID alla SMART DEFENCE
Abstract – Several formulas have been devised since the creation of the Atlantic Alliance to address and try to solve the “burden sharing” problem of unbalanced military budgets between the US and Europe. Each formula has reflected a particular strategic vision of NATO mission in different historical moments. At the beginning, the allies talked in terms of “mutual aid” between the two sides of the Atlantic. After the Korean War and the birth of NATO, the problem became more pressing. However, during the whole Cold War the unbalance between European countries and the US remained unsolved, with the latter ensuring the security of Europe. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, NATO still tried to overcome the problem of the European strategic dependence from the US by also involving the newly born structures of the European Union. Anyway, the results have not been satisfactory and today the SMART DEFENCE initiative plus the Ukrainian crisis invite to reflect on the need to close the transatlantic gap of military budgets
Ferdinando Sanfelice di Monforte, La Politica Europea di Sicurezza e Difesa: dallo sviluppo delle capacità al POOLING AND SHARING
Abstract – The crisis in former Yugoslavia in 1991 was impossible to contain, due to the lack of capabilities by European States, whose forces were land-heavy, thus supplementary to those of the USA, whose commitments in the Persian Gulf prevented any timely initiative. A “power vacuum” was therefore detected in Europe, and this led to a number of initiatives within the EU, including the Security and Defense Policy (ESDP). Inevitably, in 1999 the newborn ESDP focused on capability development and established the European Defense Agency (EDA) to perform this task. Notwithstanding the limitations imposed by EU Member States (EU MSs), EDA has started several projects, but they proved not enough, especially with the deepening of the economic crisis; therefore, a new initiative, POOLING AND SHARING has been envisaged, to allow all EU MSs to develop in common the “critical capabilities” required, and to use them to the general benefit. Three major projects have been started: Air-to-air refueling, modular field hospitals, and cooperative pilot training; while others are being studied. The lack of cohesion among EU MSs and the limited technological level of Europe, though, hinder this initiative, to the point that POOLING AND SHARING will perforce rely on collaboration with NATO.
Giovanni Romani, Lo sviluppo delle capacità della NATO e la SMART DEFENCE
Abstract – SMART DEFENCE is a tool as well as a mindset to look into multinational approaches for generating defence capabilities. It is mostly about encouraging the Allies to nurture the culture of cooperation that has contributed to the NATO cohesion and interoperability and that in this time of economic constrains represents in many cases the only option to pursue capability development. In an increasingly dynamic and unpredictable security environment, the Alliance needs more flexible and agile forces, modern, deployable and sustainable, as defined by the NATO Forces 2020 objectives and the new NATO Defence Planning Process. In this framework, SMART DEFENCE became an effective mean for Nations to team up and develop, procure and maintain the capabilities the Alliance needs to address the essential core tasks defined in the NATO Strategic Concept. However, this effort needs to be accompanied by rebalancing the insufficient contribution of the European Members compared to the United States and a structured and effective coordination mechanism with the EU POOLING AND SHARING initiative
Gabriele Checchia, Le missioni militari italiane all’estero fattore di prestigio nazionale
Abstract – The admirable participation of Italian Armed Forces in many international missions has increased the international prestige of our country, as in the cases of UNIFIL in Lebanon, ISAF in Afghanistan and KFOR in Kosovo. Italy has also played a decisive role in the recent military operation in Libya, named Unified Protector, where she has efficiently defended her own interests. Italian soldiers are highly appreciated in operational theatres thanks to their high reliability and professionalism and their ability to interact with local people in respect of particular local contexts. Looking ahead, future missions will take place in a changing international environment from the perspectives of security and of geopolitics. In the developing context of the XXI century, therefore, NATO will continue to play a pivotal role in those missions abroad as the main international political-military organization and as a vital security hub.
Gianandrea Gaiani, Missioni militari all’estero e interessi nazionali italiani
Abstract – Italy is progressively decreasing funds for overseas military missions with the gradual withdrawal from the Afghan mission, which in recent years has absorbed at least fifty percent of those resources allocated for overseas missions. Beyond the costs, one should wonder if the current missions correspond to our national interests, to our priorities in the security field and to our sustainability criteria taken into account in the recent spending review that does not spare the military. According to our national interest and to our financial difficulties, therefore, the author argues that it would be important to withdraw the military currently deployed in Afghanistan, in Lebanon and in many other countries where they symbolically operate in small contingents under the flags of the European Union, NATO and the UN. The only commitments to maintain, as they have a direct impact on our national interests, are those in the Balkans, in Kosovo, and in the Indian Ocean, in the struggle against piracy.
Fabrizio W Lucciolli, L’interoperabilità militare tra gli alleati atlantici
Abstract – “Unpredictability” and “uncertainty” are two commonalities between the present security and financial scenarios, together with their increasing “complexity”. Indeed, it seems difficult to predict both the spread future trend and the evolution of the security threats. However, Libya taught us that modern operations have a start and an end, and that they may be decided, planned, conducted and completed in a short time. In addition, the Operation Unified Protector (OUP) proved the enduring and unique added value offered by NATO in terms of political consultation, Command and Control and capabilities. Since the very beginning, OUP revealed that even during limited operations, advanced and interoperable capabilities are essential. The growing divide between the two shores of the Atlantic in defense spending is putting at stake not only the interoperability in operations between the European Allies and the United States, but the Transatlantic link itself and the indivisibility of security.
Luigi Vittorio Ferraris, La Germania tra egemonia economica e responsabilità militari
Abstract – After more than twenty years from the German re-unification, the rise to the great power status of Germany induces fears in European public opinion, which sees in history a dangerous precedent. These concerns are fundamentally misplaced. Germany does not want to assume a hegemonic leadership in Europe. Berlin, on the contrary, hopes to be a civilian great power and rejects the accusations of imposing a German Europe. Her foreign policy is influenced by the intrinsic reluctance of national public opinion to assume hegemonic burdens on the European and world scenarios. Berlin is pursuing an active diplomatic presence by preferring peaceful forms of cooperation and humanitarian contributions, even when she participates in international military missions. On the one hand, hence, the problem of the German rise is that Berlin is not willing to take up its responsibilities in the security environment; on the other hand, Europe would be reluctant for historical reasons to accept the German leadership. However, the truth is that Europe cannot imagine itself without Germany and Germany cannot conceive herself without Europe.
Carlo Jean, SPIN-OFF e SPIN-IN delle spese militari
Abstract – The impact on the commercial production of military technologies has been the subject of regular academic debates, especially after the Industrial Revolution of the 19th century. Scholars usually agree on two points. First, the security provided by Armed Forces is essential to push economic growth. Second, the costs of military procurement and, in particular, those in Research & Development have repercussions on commercial productions (spin-off ). After the end of the Cold War, the transfer usually occurs in the opposite direction, from civilians to military (spin-in). This spin-in raises different problems for the military, particularly because of the rapid pace of the evolution of civilian technologies. This often results as incompatible with the service life of either military platforms or the systems installed on them. The evolution of the configuration has therefore become a hallmark of modern armaments.
Gianluca Pastori, Sanzioni economiche e sicurezza internazionale: costi nascosti e qualche paradosso
Abstract – The quest for non-military tools to solve political crisis is a recurring ambition of States and the international community, particularly in times of increasing prosperity or latent difficulty. In both contexts, it is implicit the idea that, firstly, the widespread use of non-military instruments is less politically divisive at the domestic level and, secondly, that these instruments can join greater consensus inside the international community. In analytical terms, a credible and shared evidence that the economic lever provides a real political effectiveness has not yet been provided. By contrast, after the end of the Cold War economic sanctions have been adopted in several crises, on the assumption that they could really be effective and efficient. What scholars must still identify, however, are some preliminary and clear-cut guidelines to assess the success (or the failure) of economic sanctions and their direct and indirect costs that have on those who decide to use them.
Abstract – The Italian Armed Forces undertook a deep transformation in the post-Cold War period. One of the main reasons of this process has been Italy’s participation to NATO crisis management operations, which had three important effects on Italian military. First, it forced a reality check of military capabilities and a bottom-up adaptation while operating. Second, it fuelled a change in the military doctrine and mindset towards an expeditionary posture, reflected in the Ministry of Defence’s main official documents. Third, it provided additional ad hoc funding to finance maintenance, training and operational costs of Armed Forces, which have been under-funded by Italian defence budget in the last decade. Nowadays, the main challenge for Italian military is to manage the ongoing transformation in order to maintain its effectiveness, in particular considering the decline of NATO military effort in Afghanistan.
Francesco Bonini, L’evoluzione istituzionale della figura del Capo dello Stato in Italia
Abstract – In the last decades the sub-national dimension identified with regions has established itself in government and public policies and entered into collective imagination in Europe. The paper draws on the multi-disciplinary literature focusing on the success of European regions and on the “metamorphosis” of the concept of region in the context of globalisation. In light of recent trends of regional policymaking in Europe, this paper examines how the crisis of the territoriality of politics has affected the significance and role of the regional level of government. Nowadays, the regional space ultimately lies in the articulation and aggregation of interests in the policy process more than in the formal division of competences and in the structure of political authority.
Luca Lionello, Austerity measures, shift of sovereignty and democratisation of European institutions
Abstract – The paper analyses the recent reforms of the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) in the light of the sovereign debt crisis. In the last few years, the Euro area has created rescue mechanisms to avoid default of its Member States, has strengthened economic governance and has introduced a stronger European prudential supervision on the banking system. Several Member States have therefore adopted austerity measures to respect the new rules on fiscal integration under European coordination. The current process of transformation of the EMU presents, however, several contradictions, which could undermine the legitimacy and efficacy of the reforms. First, the development of stronger European economic governance is eroding core sovereignty of Member States, raising concerns from national Constitutional Courts. Second, the new economic governance is managed by intergovernmental bodies, which do not directly respond to the citizens in contradiction with the democratic principle. Lastly, the adoption of austerity measures under the new rules on fiscal integration has caused the violation of social and labour rights in many Member States.
Giorgio Cella, Dove va Kiev? L’eterno dilemma Est-Ovest
Abstract – The tug of war between the Euro-Atlantic bloc and the Russian Federation to co-opt Ukraine into their respective spheres of influence, has reached its peak of tension when in November 2013 the Ukrainian government scrapped the country’s European Union Association Agreement, and decided the consequent approach towards Moscow signing a sound economic and cooperation agreement, giving way to the Euromaidan protests in the following months culminating with February’s bloody clashes in Kiev that led to the removal from power of president Yanukovich and the release of former prime minister Yulia Timoshenko. The events in Kiev triggered Russian separatism in the strategic Crimea region as well, leading to an increased Russian military presence in this Black Sea peninsula. The stake for both regional players is indeed high, since the geopolitical position of Ukraine, with its 47 million inhabitants, is historically and strategically relevant as a buffer zone between Western Europe and Russia. It has also assumed additional momentum as a primary gateway to Europe for oil and natural gas coming from Russia. If from the European Union’s standpoint the integration of Kiev into its sphere of influence would boost the overall trust in the European project and strengthen its presence in Eastern Europe, in the Kremlin’s view it is a crucial imperative, both for the ancient cultural, religious and ethnic ties that bind the two countries since the time of the Kievan Rus’, and for practical geopolitical considerations as well, as for instance, the momentous Ukrainian presence in the future Russian-led Eurasian Union. The situation for the future of Ukraine divided between pro-European, pro-Russian, and nationalist tendencies remains strongly uncertain; caught between the possible destiny of a return into the Russian orbit, the potential risks of partitioning along the historical East-West lines of cleavage and a consequent balkanization of the country.
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